I Have a Dream

HW Due Monday

1. Summarize the thesis of the speech in one sentence.
2. Mode of Persuasion? (it is ok to have more than one) Give examples to support your answer/answers.
3. Major techniques (highlight all examples)
4. What is the historical context of this speech?
5. Do you feel that this is an effective speech? (answer in a paragraph)

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. (Quote to Shakespeares play)  Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

(And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."^{2 ) Ethos}

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.


Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.


Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.


Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

                Free at last! Free at last!

                Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!³

• Repetition
• Exaggeration/Hyperbole
• Generalizations
• Clichés
• Statistics/Distortion of facts
• Imperatives
• Emotive words
• Use of imagery/symbolism
• Puns
• Use of endorsements/testimonials
• Rhetorical questions
• Inclusive language
• Euphemism 

1.  The main thesis of this speech is that Martin Luther king believes that the negros are being treated unjustly and that they should fight for their rights as stated by the foreground of the american society which is the Constitution of America. 

2.  I believe that Martin Luther King is using ethos and pathos. I believe that he is using ethos because he is using his stature in their community to talk to them about what he feels, and i believe he is using pathos because he is evoking feelings in the audience and in a sense he is also enforcing an idea that was already in there minds but that
they didn't think as much of.

4.

5.  In my opinion this is a very effective speech. He uses factual information and emotions to evoke strong believe in what he is speaking about. The modes of persuasion and the way he inflicts them on the audience and the way he presents himself shows that he is passionate about the issue he is talking about which in turn impacts on the audience and gets them to really believe in what he is saying, and because his audience is experiencing the same thing he is talking about, it really comes to heart and inflicts upon there emotions. 

Julius Ceasar

Mark Antony:

Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears;
I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him;
The evil that men do lives after them,
The good is oft interred with their bones,
So let it be with Caesar ... The noble Brutus
Hath told you Caesar was ambitious:
If it were so, it was a grievous fault,
And grievously hath Caesar answered it ...
Here, under leave of Brutus and the rest,
(For Brutus is an honourable man;
So are they all; all honourable men)
Come I to speak in Caesar's funeral ...
He was my friend, faithful and just to me:
But Brutus says he was ambitious;
And Brutus is an honourable man….
He hath brought many captives home to Rome,
Whose ransoms did the general coffers fill:
Did this in Caesar seem ambitious?
When that the poor have cried, Caesar hath wept:
Ambition should be made of sterner stuff:
Yet Brutus says he was ambitious;
And Brutus is an honourable man.
You all did see that on the Lupercal
I thrice presented him a kingly crown,
Which he did thrice refuse: was this ambition?
Yet Brutus says he was ambitious;
And, sure, he is an honourable man.
I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke,
But here I am to speak what I do know.
You all did love him once, not without cause:
What cause withholds you then to mourn for him?
O judgement! thou art fled to brutish beasts,
And men have lost their reason…. Bear with me;
My heart is in the coffin there with Caesar,
And I must pause till it come back to me.

• Repetition
• Exaggeration/Hyperbole
• Generalizations
• Clichés
• Statistics/Distortion of facts
• Imperatives
• Emotive words
• Use of imagery/symbolism
• Puns
• Use of endorsements/testimonials
• Rhetorical questions
• Inclusive language
• Euphemism 

HOMEWORK: Due Monday 21/2

Go to the post with the video and text of for the important speech in Julius Ceasar.

Determine the thesis or goal of the speaker (what is he trying to persuade of the audience?)

What mode of persuasion is used?

Highlight the techniques he uses using the list (with colours) below.

The Thesis of this speech is that brutus is trying to convince the audience that Ceasar could not be trusted.


I believe that the mode of persuasion the speaker is using, ethos, i believe this because in this speech because he is apealing to his audience with a sense of honesty that Ceasar is not to be trusted.

Patrick Henry - Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death (this is late because i was away on Monday, the day that it was issued)

1. Mark Antony Speech
    3 parts
        Mode of Persuasion

                    Thesis, Techniques

                

      HW: Analyse the Patrick Henry Speech 'Give Me Liberty or Give me Death'

                  Identify the important technique he employs to win over his audience. 

                  Create a blog post titled 'Patrick Henry - Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death' paste in the speech (and video if you can figure it out) and highlight the technique in the text that you think is successfully employed. At the end of the speech name the technique and discuss how it is effective.

         

      Patrick Henry took, like Mark Antony, a crowd of people against his view of going to war against Britain in 1775 and transformed them into a unified group willing to immediately go to war.

       

       What technique does Patrick Henry do to address an audience with a negative view of his argument? (There is one that really stands out.)

H

Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death

Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

What really stands out to me is the amount of rhetorical questions that are littered throughout the speech. These rhetorical questions make the audience think about what he is speaking to them about, and asking of them to do, which in this case is going to war for their freedom. 
"Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have?"

Convincing Your Parents to Let You... speech

Choose a topic to convince your parents of and write a very short speech that can be delivered in 1 min. Write 3 versions of the speech using each mode of persuasion.

Logos:

Good morning/afternoon mum and dad. Right now i would like to talk to you about something that is very close to my heart, which is foxtel. I believe that every kid in this civilized country called Australia, should be entitled to endless hours of shows that we don't really care about.
Foxtel is also a great way to learn things that you'll need through out life... like one day i'm sure i will need to know about the dietary intake of a primate that i can learn from the discovery channel...
Another great thing about foxtel is that because your paying for it you don't get those annoying adds about those rip off deals you can buy over the phone, which encourage you to spend more money as there cleaver marketing subconsciously  make you want to buy this product, and also you don't get those irritating political adds because to be honest, they don't change your mind as you will usually already know the party you want to vote for and all the other unnecessary adds make it just an irritating afternoon gathering with the family.
In conclusion, i believe that not getting foxtel would be a huge mistake, as it will make my grades drop dramatically throughout my subjects, and that it is a great life choice to make, as you can get it right now on a special deal with free installation!

Ethos:


Good morning/afternoon mum and dad. At this particular moment in our lives i would like to take the time to talk to you about why i believe that getting foxtel. In all honesty I miss the sense of acceptance in the peer society of this modern world we live in. I am unable to talk to my friends about shows that were on the other night, and in this I feel like I am in future not included in conversations about these shows which then lead to other things like parties as they all turn up in the same conversations, resulting in myself not being invited to in functions, leading to lack of popularity, self confidence fades away, and my friends are all closer to one another than to me.
I'm not just saying this as a 'what if', this happens to me all the time, and to be honest, i'm sick of it, and i believe that by getting foxtel, i will become a happy person throughout life!
As my argument comes to a close, I conclude with this one message that is present throughout my speech i have just told you. I believe that foxtel, will help me feel more accepted throughout my teenage life, were peer acceptance  is so important, and that it will dramatically increase my confidence level as a result of myself feeling more included.


Pathos:


Good morning/afternoon mum and dad. I have prepared this speech to persuade you to see eye to eye with me on a paricular topic I find very interesting, and this is the ever going debate about whether to get foxtel or not. Now i don't see why we have to let the paid tv channels, make us watch there stupid adds about things we couldn't care less about, and I don't see why we have to be limited to the free tv channels that are offered to us where we have no control over what we want to watch. We shouldn't sit back and let these big channel companies push us around just because we're not bothered to buy a measly fee once a month! We should stand up to these free tv programs and say, no we don't want your adds, and we want to watch things that we want to watch!

Abraham Lincoln: The Gettysburg Address

What do you notice about the length of the speech?

The the length of this particular speech is noticeable. For such a profound speech, that is often studied in schools throughout america, it is very short. Although the amazing thing is that Lincoln is able to put such power into this small, short speech.

What do you notice about the organisation?

I've found the speech to be fairly organised. it consistos of the 3 main things, an introduction, a body, and a conclusion. I've found it easy to follow and because of the length, he got his point across without becoming too repetitive and boring. 

What do you think is the thesis of the speech?

The thesis of this speech is that Lincoln is trying to convince his audience that they need to fight for there country.

Name two techniques (with quotes) which you feel are successfully employed and discuss why you feel they are so effective.

Two techniques which are successfully employed in this speech are both, Pathos where Lincoln incorporates his feelings into his audience saying that
"Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure." 
meaning that we can not stop the fight that has been put down before them and that they must fight to protect what is theres. Secondly he has used repetition, to get the message deep into the thoughts of his audience,
"we cannot dedicate - we cannot consecrate - we cannot hallow - this ground." 

Why do you think that the concluding statement is considered so important and powerful by many Americans to this day?

I believe that the concluding statement is considered so important and powerful by many Americans to this day because of their proud history of freedom, and power, and the fact that they see there rights and laws very strongly, and this in turn creates a sense of pride that comes from this. 

Friday 18/2 (HW at bottom): Pathos, Logos, or Ethos? - Susan B. Anthony and Women's Right to Vote

Friday 18/2 (HW at bottom): Pathos, Logos, or Ethos? - Susan B. Anthony and Women's Right to Vote

In the 1800s, women in the United States had few legal rights and did not have the right to vote. This speech was given by Susan B. Anthony after her arrest for casting an illegal vote in the presidential election of 1872. She was tried and then fined $100 but refused to pay.

1. Read the following speech and determine what form of logical reasoning (from Aristotle) she is using in her argument. Give quotes to support your decision.
2. What is the 'thesis' (main point) of her speech. Give the sentence you feel serves as the thesis.
3. Divide the speech into three parts: Intro, Body, Conclusion

(Friends and fellow citizens: I stand before you tonight under indictment for the alleged crime of having voted at the last presidential election, without having a lawful right to vote. It shall be my work this evening to prove to you that in thus voting, I not only committed no crime, but, instead, simply exercised my citizen's rights, guaranteed to me and all United States citizens by the National Constitution, beyond the power of any state to deny.) Introduction
(The preamble of the Federal Constitution says:
"We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America."
It was we, the people; not we, the white male citizens; nor yet we, the male citizens; but we, the whole people, who formed the Union. And we formed it, not to give the blessings of liberty, but to secure them; not to the half of ourselves and the half of our posterity, but to the whole people - women as well as men. And it is a downright mockery to talk to women of their enjoyment of the blessings of liberty while they are denied the use of the only means of securing them provided by this democratic-republican government - the ballot.
For any state to make sex a qualification that must ever result in the disfranchisement of one entire half of the people, is to pass a bill of attainder, or, an ex post facto law, and is therefore a violation of the supreme law of the land. By it the blessings of liberty are forever withheld from women and their female posterity.
To them this government has no just powers derived from the consent of the governed. To them this government is not a democracy. It is not a republic. It is an odious aristocracy; a hateful oligarchy of sex; the most hateful aristocracy ever established on the face of the globe; an oligarchy of wealth, where the rich govern the poor. An oligarchy of learning, where the educated govern the ignorant, or even an oligarchy of race, where the Saxon rules the African, might be endured; but this oligarchy of sex, which makes father, brothers, husband, sons, the oligarchs over the mother and sisters, the wife and daughters, of every household - which ordains all men sovereigns, all women subjects, carries dissension, discord, and rebellion into every home of the nation.
Webster, Worcester, and Bouvier all define a citizen to be a person in the United States, entitled to vote and hold office.) Body
The only question left to be settled now is: Are women persons? And I hardly believe any of our opponents will have the hardihood to say they are not. Being persons, then, women are citizens; and no state has a right to make any law, or to enforce any old law, that shall abridge their privileges or immunities. Hence, every discrimination against women in the constitutions and laws of the several states is today null and void, precisely as is every one against Negroes.

Susan B. Anthony - 1873
Highlight the text where you see the techniques below being used in the speech. When highlighting the text in the speech where one of these techniques is used.
• Repetition
• Exaggearation/Hyperbole
• Generalizations
• Clichés
• Statistics/Distortion of facts
• Imperatives
• Emotive words
• Use of imagery/symbolism
• Puns
• Use of endorsements/testimonials
• Rhetorical questions
• Inclusive language
• Euphemism 
1.   I believe that Susan B. Anthony is using the form of persuasion, Logos and in some form also Pathos. I believe she is using Logos as she declaires facts, and qoutes from what the society of the United States of America are supposed to built on. "The preamble of the Federal Constitution says:
"We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America."
It was we, the people; not we, the white male citizens; nor yet we, the male citizens; but we, the whole people, who formed the Union. And we formed it, not to give the blessings of liberty, but to secure them; not to the half of ourselves and the half of our posterity, but to the whole people - women as well as men. And it is a downright mockery to talk to women of their enjoyment of the blessings of liberty while they are denied the use of the only means of securing them provided by this democratic-republican government - the ballot."

I also believe that she is using Pathos as she is using how she feels and trying to project her emotions into the people whom are standing infront of her. 

2. I believe the thesis of this speech is that she is trying to get people to believe that woeman should have the same rights as the male counterparts that stand with them.
"It shall be my work this evening to prove to you that in thus voting, I not only committed no crime, but, instead, simply exercised my citizen's rights, guaranteed to me and all United States citizens by the National Constitution, beyond the power of any state to deny."